Clocking Cultures
The study of time and society can be divided into the pragmatic and the cosmological. On the practical side, in the 1950s anthropologist Edward T. Hall, Jr., wrote that the rules of social time constitute a “silent language” for a given culture. The rules might not always be made explicit, he stated, but “they exist in the air... They are either familiar and comfortable or unfamiliar and wrong.”
Most cultures around the world now have clocks and calendars, uniting the majority of the globe in the same general rhythm of time. But that doesn’t mean we all march to the same beat. Some people feel so rushed by the pace of modern life that they are fighting back with “slow food,” while in other societies, people feel little pressure to “manage” their time.
“One of the beauties of studying time is that it’s a wonderful window on culture,” says Robert V. Levine, a social psychologist at California State University, Fresno. “You get answers on what cultures value and believe in. You get a really good idea of what’s important to people.”
Levine and his colleagues have conducted so-called pace-of-life studies in 31 countries. In A Geography of Time, first published in 1997, Levine describes how he ranked the countries by using three measures: walking speed on urban sidewalks, how quickly postal clerks could fulfill a request for a common stamp, and the accuracy of public clocks.
Kevin K. Birth, an anthropologist at Queens College, has examined time perceptions in Trinidad. Birth’s 1999 book, Any Time Is Trinidad Time: Social Meanings and Temporal Consciousness, refers to a commonly used phrase to excuse lateness. In that country, Birth observes, “if you have a meeting at 6:00 at night, people show up at 6:45 or 7:00 and say, ‘Any time is Trinidad time.’” When it comes to business, however, that loose approach to timeliness works only for the people with power. A boss can show up late and toss off “any time is Trinidad time”, but underlings are expected to be more punctual. For them, the saying goes, “time is time.” Birth adds that the tie between power and waiting time is true for many other cultures as well.
The nebulous nature of time can make it difficult for anthropologists and social psychologists to study. “You can’t simply go into a society, walk up to some poor soul and say, ‘Tell me about your notions of time’,” Birth says. “People don’t really have an answer to that. You have to come up with other ways to find out.”
Birth attempted to get at how Trinidadians value time by exploring how closely their society links time and money. He surveyed rural residents and found that farmers – whose days are dictated by natural events, such as sunrise – did not recognize the phrases “time is money,” “budget your time” or “time management,” even though they had satellite TV and were familiar with Western popular culture. But tailors in the same areas were aware of such notions. Birth concluded that wage work altered the tailors’ views of time. “The ideas of associating time with money are not found globally,” he says, “but are attached to your job and the people you work with.”
How people deal with time on a day-to-day basis often has nothing to do with how they conceive of time as an abstract entity. “There’s often a disjunction between how a culture views the mythology of time and how people think about time in their daily lives,” Birth asserts. “We don’t think of Stephen Hawking’s theories as we go about our daily lives.”
Ziauddin Sardar, a British Muslim author and critic, has written about time and Islamic cultures. Muslims “always carry the past with them,” claims Sardar, and asserts that the West has “colonized” time by spreading the expectation that life should become better as time passes: “If you colonize time, you also colonize the future. If you think of time as an arrow, of course you think of the future as progress, going in one direction. But different people may desire different futures.”
Scientific American